NNOMY

GI Resistance

Lt. Watada

War Resistance Today

In the past few years, tens of thousands of service members have resisted illegal war and occupation in a number of different ways—by going AWOL, seeking conscientious objector status and/or a discharge, asserting the right to speak out against injustice from within the military, and for a relative few, publicly refusing to fight.

According to IVAW, 10,000 soldiers deserted in the first four years of the Iraq war.   According to the Army, the number of deserters has increased every year of the war: 3,301 active-duty soldiers deserted the Army in 2006, compared to 2,543 in 2005, and prosecutions for desertion has likewise increased.  Many of the soldiers speaking out have already served one or more tour in Iraq or Afghanistan and are refusing to return.  This is a crucial moment to build the GI resistance movement to push from within the military for a complete withdrawal of troops from Iraq and change our national priorities away from militarization.

As the the U.S. shifts its focus from the occupation of Iraq to Afghanistan, it is essential that we call into question the conception of Afghanistan as a "just war". The occupation of Afghanistan is just as illegal, traumatizing, and unnecessary as the occupation of Iraq. We must continue to support troops who are forced into active duty in Afghanistan; and most importantly, we must continue to support their acts of resistance.

Source: Washington Peace Center

Here are some recommended links available to better inform you about GI Resistance. This is a work in progress and NNOMY will be adding new documents as they are prepared and as policies change that effect enlistment. Check back periodically.

Resources:

Documents:

Articles on the web:

Conscientious Objection

Picaso Conscientous ObjectorThe government has the power to make people fight a war. But many young men and women have serious questions about whether it is right to take part in war. That may mean that they are conscientious objectors. They may not know the term, or that there is such a thing as conscientious objection to war.

Fortunately, there is a long tradition that is getting stronger as people with all kinds of backgrounds share the conviction that war is wrong. The Constitution gives the government the power to raise an army and people can be drafted to fight. But, there is an established right to conscientious objection dating from before the Constitution which has been recognized during the periods that people were forced into the military.

Often the beliefs of these objectors to war are well thought out, showing study and detailed knowledge. Sometimes their convictions are simple and uncomplicated. Many have their beliefs as part of their religion. Others have come to their beliefs on their own.

They all have a right to have these beliefs in opposition to war and should be supported in them. They are conscientious objectors (COs) whether or not the government says so.

Once people hear about conscientious objection, they want to know what is necessary to qualify as a CO with the government. That process is sometimes hard. The rules are fairly specific (but not always fair). However, if COs are properly prepared, NISBCO believes they will be recognized.

What Does the Government Say?

"Nothing contained in this title shall be construed to require any person to he subject to combatant training and service in the armed forces of the United Slates who, by reason of religious training and belief, is conscientiously opposed to participation in wsr in any form. . . the term `religious training and belief' does not include essentially politicsl, sociologicsl, or philosophicxl views, or a merely personal moral code. Any person. . . whose claim is sustained by the local board shall, if he is inducted into the xrmed forces. . . be assigned to noncombatant service. . . or shall, if he is found to be conscientiously opposed to participation in such noncombatant service. . .perform ... civilian work contributing to the maintenance of the nxtional health, safety, or interest. . . "-Section 6(j) of the Military Selective Service Act.

What Does That Mean? "Religious"

The statute (above) says that no person "who by religious training and belief is conscientiously opposed to participation in war in any form" can be required to kill or train to kill in the military. CO provisions like this have been a part of American law since the time of the colonies.

United States courts have interpreted the meaning of religion according to the first amendment of the Constitution. That amendment guarantees the right to practice one's religion and guards against the government favoring a particular religion over another.

For a few years the legal recognition of conscientious objection was limited to those who belonged to religions that believed in a "supreme being." This wording favored certain religions over others.

Earlier, during World War I, the government would only give CO status to people who were members of "peace churches," such as the Society of Friends (Quakers), Mennonites or Brethren. But, this has changed.

In 1965 and in 1970 the Supreme Court ruled that the words "religious training and belief" must now be interpreted to include moral and ethical beliefs that have the same force in people's lives as traditional religious beliefs.

So, the word "religious" here refers to the nature of a person's training and beliefs. That means that the law considers many sincere beliefs "religious" even if they are not a part of what most people call a "religion."

Now, you don't have to belong to any particular religion to qualify as a CO. In fact, you don't have to belong to any religion at all.

Almost all Christian religions, Judaism, Buddhism, Jainism, and many other religions have teachings that support the CO position. If you follow the teachings of a religion, you can use that fact to help show that you qualify for a CO classification. But, remember, mere membership in a religious body does not qualify; a CO claimant must show that he or she personally and truly holds the beliefs.

If you do not follow the teachings of a formal religion you must show the government that your beliefs are like a religion to you and that you hold them sincerely.

To summarize: CO claimants with the Selective Service System and in the armed forces will have to "demonstrate" their moral, ethical, or religious belief in opposition to "personal participation in war." They must also show that their beliefs are sincerely held.

"Training and Belief"

"Training and belief" refers to the source of conviction in a CO. It can include any experience and reflection which leads someone to be against "participation in war." For some COs, their "training and belief" is a lifetime of being part of an organized religion that teaches non-resistance to evil, non-violence, active love for the enemy, or "pacifism."

COs can show the government what their training and belief is by writing down the teachings of their religion, what their family taught them, and what they have done in their life that shows that they agree with those teachings.

For others, "training and belief" can be a significant event or sudden realization of the meaning of their decisions about life. "Training and befief" can refer to books, movies, TV shows, teachers, or speakers which have made you think about whether or not you could fight in a war. It can also be activities that you have taken part in that have had an effect on your feelings about war.

Most COs seem to come to their convictions over time. They reflect on their learning and experience and form a strong commitment to peaceful ways. They grow to hold these beliefs as a central part of their life. They develop an outlook and approach to life that shows other people that they have those beliefs and values.

"Essentially Political Sociological, or Philosophical Views"

The statute states that "religious" as used here does not include essentially political, sociological, or philosophical views, or a merely personal moral code." The Supreme Court, however, has made it clear that beliefs that otherwise qualify as "religious" may include these considerations, also.

Essentially political, sociological, or philosophical views cannot be the sole basis for your conscientious objection. They may well be the result of your deep religious or moral convictions against war.

For example, if your only objection to participation in war is that war is an inefficient and expensive way to solve problems, your local claims board could deny your claim because it is "essentially political or sociological."

A philosophical view, here, is a disinterested view to which you have no strong moral or religious commitment. This does not mean that a claimant cannot hold a central "philosophy of life" which can be thought of as "religious." It means that your objection must be so important to you that it really affects the way you live your life.

"Merely Personal Moral Code"

The law does not accept "a merely personal moral code" as the basis for a CO classification. This is intended to exclude from CO status persons who have nothing but a private, personal preference against participating in war, and who do not feel so strongly about war that it can be said they have a genuine moral or religious basis to the objection.

A person who wants to get out of military service because it is inconvenient or for reasons of "personal expediency" ("it interferes with my school, job, or family plans, etc.") cannot expect to be classified as a CO.

"War in Any Form"

Many, perhaps most people, believe that they should only fight in a war for a just cause. Those who insist that they be allowed to refuse to fight wars that they think are wrong are often called "selective conscientious objectors."

"Selective conscientious objection " uses the "just war" moral teaching and international law to justify some wars and rule out others. Selective conscientious objection is not permitted in the United States.

The current statute says that CO claimants must object to "participation in war in any form." This means that in order to qualify as a CO you must be prepared to say honestly that you would refuse to participate in any war in which you would reasonably be expected to fight.

You cannot say that you could participate in a particular war, but not others. Some COs do think that other people, who do not share their beliefs, should be allowed to follow the orders of the government and participate in war. But no one can qualify who picks and chooses among the contemporary wars they would fight.

Some selective COs believe that the conditions for a "just war" can no longer be met today. By a process of elimination they might qualify as COs under current law by showing that they believe a "just war" is impossible in our time.

Some local boards have tried to trick claimants into seeming to be selective COs by asking them what they would have done if they had been alive during World War II, or other situations.

The courts have stressed that you don't have to know what you would have done in a past war or in some hard-to-imagine future circumstance. If you had been living during World War II, the decision to fight Hitler might have been yours. Or, if you are a Jehovah's Witness you may believe you could be called upon to fight in the final war against Evil.

Neither situation disqualifies someone from being classified a CO. Claimants who are challenged to answer questions about past wars should politely refuse to speculate on what they might have done.

The only conflicts you must refuse to fight are those organized wars in which you might reasonably be called upon to fight in today's world.

Must a CO be Nonviolent?

Although many COs hold absolutely to the principle of nonviolence, to qualify as a CO you don't have to be committed to nonviolence or nonresistance in every situation. The law does not require a conscientious objector to be opposed to all forms of violence, the use of force, police powers, or even to all taking of human life.

It requires only that a person be conscientiously opposed to the planned and organized killing that takes place in warfare. Willingness to use violence against another individual in order to protect yourself or your friends is not grounds for denial of a CO claim.

Alternative Service or Noncombatant Service

Even though conscientious objectors are not drafted to kill in the Army they still must serve the country.

The law provides for two different forms of conscientious objector service. The difference depends on whether or not COs are willing to accept service in the Army that does not require them to carry weapons.

Noncombatants (classified 1-A-O) serve in the Army without using weapons or handling ammunition. They are not trained to use weapons. Noncombatants have usually served in the medical corps.

COs who are opposed to any military service are classified 1-O. When they are ordered to alternative service they are reclassified 1-W. Alternative service workers (ASWs) do "civilian work contributing to the maintenance of the national health, safety, or interest.

Many of these alternative service workers find their own jobs for approval by the Selective Service System. In the past, many COs worked in hospitals and in programs operated by religious organizations.

Persons requesting CO status while in the military must request either discharge or transfer to noncombatant duty. Upon discharge, if they are subject to the draft, they will be classified 1-O-S. Those who have not completed their service obligation may be liable to alternative service for the uncompleted portion of military service only if they are drafted at a later time.

Other Types of COs

Nuclear Pacifists

: There is a growing number of people whose consciences would not permit them to participate in a nuclear war, or what they believe would become a nuclear war. Some nuclear pacifists become opposed to all war because, according to their belief, all wars fought by the major powers could lead to the use of nuclear weapons.

At this time the law does not recognize nuclear pacifists (a form of selective objection) as conscientious objectors. Some nuclear pacifists might qualify on the ground of their opposition to all war. Current policy in the armed forces is to reassign persons who have moral reservations about handling or firing nuclear weapons.

Noncooperators

: Some people will not cooperate with the conscription system. They are conscientiously opposed to participation in war and they conclude that the conscription system furthers war.

Many of them refuse to register for the draft. Others, having already registered, have stopped complying with the requirement to keep Selective Service informed of a change of address. (There is no legal process for "unregistering")

The Selective Service System does not recognize conscientious objection to participation in the conscription system, even though the draft, itself, serves the purposes of war.

Registration for the draft was begun in 1980 to "send a message" to the Russians. The Director of Selective Service called it a "weapon in our arsenal like a bomber or missile;" Others have valued it because they believe it helps "deter" the enemy from attacking us.

Conscientious objection is not acknowledged by the government at registration. Nor are COs allowed to decide not to register.

In previous periods of conscription, too, many refused to cooperate. During World War II over 5,000 went to prison for their beliefs.

In the first six years of the current draft registration hundreds of thousands of people did not register, but only twenty nonregistrants were brought to court. All but one of them had been open about their nonregistration and many of them wrote to Selective Service explaining their beliefs.

The maximum possible sentence for draft violators is now five years in prison and a $250,000 fine. Of those finally convicted for nonregistration, most have served short sentences, been ordered to do community service, been put on probation, and/or paid fines of $10,000 or less.

Nonregistrants are denied federal aid for education and job training, and are barred from most employment with the federal government. Some states have enacted similar provisions. A few colleges and religious bodies have arranged to provide assistance to make up for these penalties. A national Fund for Education and Training (FEAT) has been initiated to supplement these programs or provide them where they are not available to individuals. Write to Center on Conscience and War (CCW) for information about the fund.

Source: http://www.scn.org/ip/sdmcc/co.htm

Here are some recommended links available to better inform you about conscientious objection to war. This is a work in progress and NNOMY will be adding new documents as they are prepared and as policies change that effect enlistment. Check back periodically.

Links:

Articles:

Conscientious Objection Currículums and Online Workshops

Books:

Documents:

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Statewide ASVAB campaign

ORGANIZING A STATEWIDE CAMPAIGN TO REQUIRE OPTION 8

A tutorial

This step-by-step guide is meant to aid activists in their legislative campaigns to prohibit the automatic release of test results to military recruiters gathered through the administration of the Armed Services Vocational Aptitude Battery (ASVAB) in the public high schools.

The steps outlined here, largely drawn from our experience in Maryland, can be used as a general template for counter-recruitment activists across the country.

We recommend you study everything on this site pertaining to the ASVAB (including a cursory examination of military documents) and read through the entire contents of this comprehensive website: http://www.asvabtest.org/ before proceeding.  Study is critical because much of this campaign revolves around educating school officials, political allies, and legislators.  The military, for its part, has embarked on a very clever and persuasive misinformation campaign.  See the "ASVAB in the News" section of the http://www.asvabtest.org/ website for more on DoD attempts to obfuscate the true nature of the ASVAB program in the public schools.

The first step is to form a loose-knit coalition of allies and give it a name that has something to do with protecting the privacy of children;  like, "The ________ Coalition to Protect Student Privacy."  "Peace" and "Justice" are polarizing words in statehouses across the country so you'll want to be careful not to associate your campaign with activist groups that might insist on asserting an anti-military or left-wing agenda.

You'll run across school officials and legislators who are convinced the ASVAB is an excellent career exploration tool that has its place in the public schools.  Concede the point.  You can allow that the program might help young people negotiate career paths.  You're not against the ASVAB; however, you feel strongly that test results should not be automatically forwarded to military recruiters.

Once you've formed your "coalition," which may start out as a couple of activists in town (or just yourself), you'll need to begin building your coalition by contacting your natural allies in this struggle. Call your local ACLU affiliate and ask them for advice.  See if they can help you craft legislation.  Ask them who they think might be willing to introduce the bill in your state's House and Senate. Send them the excellent letter written by the ACLU-MD in support of Maryland's legislation.  You should also send them Maryland's new law.

Your state is likely to have some sort of institutionalized progressive political entity like a progressive Democratic caucus.  Contact them and see if they can help.  They're likely to be in a position to know which legislators are the best candidates to carry the water.  Be careful not to fall into the trap of agreeing to have the legislature's most progressive member, the token radical, be the lead sponsor.  You're going to need conservative Democratic votes and even a few Republican votes.

In your conversations with these folks, try to determine the likely path your legislation will have to travel to make it to the governor's desk. Identify the specific committees and subcommittees you'll most likely be dealing with and examine the voting records of members before approaching them or having others approach them.   It's very helpful to have co-sponsors sit on crucial committees.  It's a real coup to have a committee chairperson agree to sponsor or co-sponsor the bill!  Committee chairs are often incredibly powerful and it's tough (though not impossible) getting legislation to the floor if they're strongly opposed.

Call your local NAACP Unit and ask them for their advice and support.  Do a cursory evaluation of the ASVAB Database of high schools that administer the test in your state. Try to ascertain the racial make-up of schools that administer the ASVAB.  The ASVAB is more likely to be administered in communities of color than in predominately white areas.  Share the testimony of the NAACP-MD urging parental involvement in decisions relating to the release of student information to the Pentagon.

You should call your state affiliate of the National PTA.  In Maryland, the PTA came through in a big way.  During the PTA testimony in the General Assembly, a PTA spokesperson argued that parents, rather than the Pentagon, should be empowered to make decisions regarding the release of student information to recruiters. In contrast, the Army's top recruiter argued that the Pentagon should make these decisions, rather than "influencers," DoD talk for parents.

You should also contact your NEA state affiliate to see if they'd be willing to support your legislation. The National Education Association has not taken a position on the ASVAB, although a piece in the publication NEA Today describes the controversy and explains Options 1 through 8.  NEA leadership has explained that the issue is not specifically related to the NEA's purview.

It is advisable to send a letter to your state superintendent of schools asking that she immediately select Option 8 for all students across the state who take the ASVAB. See the Template Letter to State Superintendents.  It is unlikely that your state superintendent will act to mandate this change because these types of decisions are typically left to local education agencies. It is important, however, to know where this office stands in relation to your legislation.  Your legislature will be reluctant to enact legislation if it is opposed by the state superintendent.  If your superintendent takes no position on your bill, it may be viewed as a green light in some quarters.

Getting a bill introduced

Throughout this process, you should be seriously considering whom you'd like to ask to submit legislation.  It may be helpful to have a constituent of a legislator make an appointment and have you attend the meeting. Legislators are much more willing to act on behalf of people who live in their districts.  Once you've settled on lawmakers in both houses to sponsor your legislation, it's advisable to hold a strategy session to formulate a plan of action.  Your legislator is likely to ask you to help her find co-sponsors for the legislation.  For instance, see Maryland's House Bill 176 and view the delegates who were willing to sign on to the bill before it was introduced.

Once your bill is introduced, there may be a window of time when you're still able to add additional co-sponsors.  It is best not to have too many legislators from one or two extremely liberal jurisdictions co-sponsor the bill because it may be viewed by moderates to signify a left-wing proposal.  If possible, try to find a few Republicans to sign on.

Leave the press out of it. There's no point in giving your opposition a heads up.

Your bill will be assigned to committees in each house that will schedule hearings.  Obtain a list of committee members and send them each a letter similar to the letter sent to the superintendent of schools.  Include in the letter the names of all of the public schools in the legislative district that administer the ASVAB, along with the Recruiter Release Options selected. Most likely, the vast majority of students who took the test in the particular jurisdiction had their test results automatically forwarded to recruiters. Note that you're only concerned with public schools that administer the test.  You'll have to create a spreadsheet of all the schools in your state that give the test and remove the private schools before sorting them into legislative districts to generate letters to individual lawmakers. You should deliver your letter by regular mail, by email, and you should hand carry it to the office of each committee member.

It is also advisable to create succinct bullet points and distribute them to lawmakers on several occasions. You can never overdo it.  Educating lawmakers is your key to success.

At this point, you should schedule appointments to meet with all committee members. This part is time consuming, but it is possible to meet with as many as 10 to 15 legislators in a day.  You'll only need about 20 minutes of their time.  Go over the bullet points with the legislators and discuss how the test is given at such-and-such high school in the particular district.   See if you can find folks from various peace and justice groups or through your contacts with the organizations listed above who would be willing to accompany you in the meetings. Again, it helps, although it is not necessary, to have constituents make the appointments and accompany you to the meetings.

Legislation is made in committees and it is rare for a bill to receive a favorable report in committee and be voted down on the floor.

Lobbying for the bill

We strongly encourage you set up an automated system that allows constituents across your state to click on a link that brings them to a page that briefly explains the issue and guides them through a simple process that generates letters of support to their legislators. Activists in Maryland were able to generate close to a thousand emails, with many directed to committee members whose votes were crucial. Your political allies may be willing to share contact information with some of their membership.  Phone calls from constituents to committee members are invaluable in this process. It helps to regularly send messages to list-serves, blogs, websites, and Facebook, sending people the link to the automated system to generate emails to lawmakers.

When a bill is heard in committee, those in favor and those opposed are invited to provide written and spoken testimony.  Speakers are usually limited to a few minutes. It is possible that the militarists will not be present to oppose the legislation, especially if the measure has stayed out of the press. It's possible your bill may attract a letter from the commanding officer of your local Military Entrance Processing Station, as it did in Maryland. This could be helpful because the military is arguing that the Pentagon, rather than parents, should ultimately determine the release of student information.  Activists in Maryland circulated the letters written by the Maryland PTA, which argued in favor of allowing parents to make decisions regarding the release of information pertaining to their children, and the Lt. Colonel in charge of recruiting, who didn't think that was such a good idea.  Most legislators were convinced the measure was necessary and the law passed.

A good lineup of people testifying in committees hearing the bill would consist of an official from a school or a school system that has selected Option 8 and representatives from the NAACP, ACLU, PTA, your local teacher's union, your state's progressive political entity, a student who has taken the ASVAB without realizing its tie-in with recruiting, and an unhappy parent.  You should lead the parade.

As soon as a committee in one of the houses approves the measure, you ought to distribute a brief statement to all legislators in both houses that includes a mention of the victory along with a few of the most pertinent bullet points.

At this point, the Pentagon and its allies in the legislature may be expected to engage in a behind-the-scenes public misinformation campaign aimed at questioning the necessity of the Option 8 bill.

They may argue that Section 9528 of the No Child Left Behind Act gives parents and students the ability to withhold ASVAB test results from military recruiters. It does not.

The militarists may argue the ASVAB program is completely voluntary and that students who take the test can sign a form that precludes their results from reaching recruiters.

The test may, in fact, be required in some schools and/or strongly encouraged in others, but, in either case, results are being automatically shipped to recruiters.  Also, the bogus Privacy Act Statement found on the ASVAB Answer Sheet in use in schools throughout the country informs students they must sign the form for their test to be graded. Legal experts claim this aspect of the testing regime runs counter to both federal and state laws designed to protect the privacy of students.  Students who take the ASVAB do not select release options — only school officials can do that.

Once the legislation passes its assigned committees and is sent to the floor for a vote, it is crucial to continue sending all members relatively brief items that address the legislation. If there are any new letters in opposition, they should be widely distributed and all misstatements should be identified.  Similarly, erroneous reporting in the press should be immediately challenged with letters to the editor that are shared with legislators.

During this fragile time period, it's important to be working closely with those who've sponsored your legislation. Sometimes they'll ask you to refrain from contacting a particular member or to refrain from sending literature. Generally, you should defer to their wishes.  They know the legislature.  You know the ASVAB.

As soon as the legislation is introduced, you should make an appointment to meet with the governor's legislative assistant to explain the rationale behind the bill and to ask for the governor's support.  When the legislation passes both houses, it is wise to make a second appointment with the governor's office.  If the governor appears to be wavering in her support, you should generate hundreds of letter in support of the legislation.

At any time you may consult with NNOMY for advice.  This is a winnable campaign!

Organizing a campaign in schools to require option 8

A brief tutorial

Organizing a campaign to require the selection of ASVAB Release Option 8 in your local school system is a not a terribly difficult or time consuming endeavor.  It's something you can do to check the advance of the military in your schools. (This campaign may be used to lay the groundwork for organizing a statewide campaign to require option 8.)

You can do this by yourself, but, if you feel more comfortable, you can work with an established peace and justice organization or you can form your own ASVAB ad hoc committee. It's probably best to de-emphasize any public association with stridently political antimilitary, antiwar groups.  To be successful, this campaign should be about student privacy. You're not embarking on a revolutionary movement.

We recommend you study everything on this site pertaining to the ASVAB (including a cursory examination of military documents) and read through the entire contents of this comprehensive website: http://www.studentprivacy.org before proceeding.  Study is critical because much of this campaign revolves around educating school officials and political allies. The military, for its part, has embarked on a very clever and persuasive misinformation campaign.  See the "ASVAB in the News" section of the http://www.studentprivacy.org/asvab-in-the-news.html website for more on DoD attempts to obfuscate the true nature of the ASVAB program in the public schools.

You'll run across school officials and legislators who are convinced the ASVAB is an excellent career exploration tool that has its place in the public schools.  Concede the point.  You can allow that the program might help young people negotiate career paths.  You're not against the ASVAB; however, you feel strongly that test results should not be automatically forwarded to military recruiters.

For the most part, you'll be interacting with school officials from your community who probably haven't given the issue much thought — or any thought at all. School personnel deal with hundreds of concerned parents and activists on a wide variety of issues every day.  Remember all this when it takes your superintendent two months to respond to your letter.

Research local ASVAB testing

After studying the resources identified above, you should create a spreadsheet of all the high schools in your district that administer the ASVAB, using the ASVAB Database of high schools that give the test in your state.

Once you've compiled the data, identify any schools where the number of test takers exceeds 150-200 students. This is your clue that the test is mandatory in a particular school.  Mandatory testing a particularly vulnerable practice to challenge, so it's a good place to start.  The school's principal, the superintendent, and school board members would all have to be to the right of Attila the Hun if they defend the practice of forcing children to take a military test that forwards Social Security numbers, career plans, detailed demographic information, and 3 hours of test results to the Pentagon without parental consent.

You can find schools in your state and in your school system that require students to take the ASVAB by googling the following terms.  We've used Aberdeen County, South Dakota as an example. To search for mandatory testing in South Dakota, enter exactly this in your Internet search engine:  "k12.sd.us" "all juniors" asvab . To search for mandatory testing in Aberdeen County, South Dakota, enter: "aberdeen.k12.sd.us" "all juniors" asvab . Make sure you enter the quotation marks.  You can experiment with the "all juniors" part.  Not only did Central High School require all juniors to take the ASVAB, you can see from the ASVAB database that Central High tested 218 and sent all the results to the Pentagon without parental consent.

If you uncover a school that requires the ASVAB — and 1,055 high schools in 28 states across the country required students to take the test in 2007 — you should try to identify parents in that school to lead the charge.  Certainly, you should include a mention of all schools that have mandatory testing in your letter to the superintendent of schools.

It helps to have a child enrolled in the schools, but it's not necessary. You pay for the schools.  They're yours. You can start your campaign with your local high school, but it makes a lot more sense to expend your energy at the district level.  Schools are curious political fiefdoms and principals often have extraordinary autonomy in formulating and implementing policy.  Principals may be retired Marine Officers and they may be Quaker pacifists.  You should know how your local school handles the administration of the ASVAB and the recruiter release option it selected.  You should have conversations with the principal and the director of guidance, not so much to attempt to convince them to select Option 8, but simply to ascertain the status quo.

The formulation of policy is typically more diffuse at the district level, depending upon the size of your system.  More people are involved in the process, so it is more likely that divergent political views will be heard. Certainly this is the case with members of the board of education.  Aside from the most reactionary communities, you're likely to have several members of your school board agree with you.  Unfortunately, school boards aren't typically involved in the day-to-day implementation and enforcement of policies. School boards typically function to hire and fire superintendents and approve budgets, and that's about it.  That's not to say they don't have influence over your superintendent — they do — but often it's the superintendent, not the school board, that holds the cards.

Examine our Template Letter to the Superintendent of Schools.  You need to fill in the blanks on this form using the ASVAB Database.  Complete your letter and share it with NNOMY volunteers before sending it to your superintendent with copies to all school board members.   Your campaign is halfway home.

A few days after sending your letter, you should call the administrative offices to make sure it has been received.  Explain what you're trying to accomplish to the administrative assistant on the phone.  See if you can gain any insight from the aide.  Ask her who you should talk to in the system about selecting Option 8 for students who take the ASVAB.  Most likely, you'll be re-directed to the administrative assistant of an Assistant Superintendent.  Explain your issue and ask for an appointment.  Summer is often a great time to approach these "12 month" employees.  They're typically swamped in September.  See if you can get an appointment with your superintendent and see what she says.  It could be easier than you thought.

Most likely, your superintendent will be too busy and she'll take several weeks to get back to you. It's unlikely she'll come back and say she's opposed to the selection of Option 8. It's more likely she'll thank you for the letter and promise the issue will be studied.  Or, she'll write that these types of decisions are made at the individual schools.  Principals make up an important part of a superintendent's power base and the superintendent who leaves policy decisions at the local level is usually popular with school principals.

If the response from your superintendent stops short of ordering the selection of Option 8 across the system, you should send letters to each of the system's principals with cc's to the director of guidance in each of the schools.  The letter should summarize the response you received from the superintendent and restate the contents of your original letter to the superintendent.

You probably won't hear back from any of the principals unless you have parents approach the principal who have children in that particular school.  One-on-one meetings with principals and parents are very persuasive.

Now it's time to go public with your demand

Your board of education probably allows members of the public 3-5 minutes to comment on any item pertaining to the schools.  This is your opportunity to shine.  Determine the procedures for public commentary and organize a half dozen folks to each speak on a certain aspect of the ASVAB.  It would be fantastic to have someone with the PTA leadership in your community speak on behalf of selecting Option 8.  Similarly, it would be very persuasive to also have members of other civic groups, like the NAACP, the ACLU, and your local teacher's union, but there will probably be an opportunity for them later, when the ASVAB is on the school board's agenda.

Have all testimony in written form distributed to all board members and members of the press.  Be calm and stay away from any statements that might be construed as antimilitary.  You could distribute Maryland's law and/or copies of Option 8 policies in Los Angeles or New York City.

Stay away from partisan politics.  There is a pervasive culture in some quarters that does not allow criticism of the Department of Defense.  Each of your speakers should say we have nothing but praise for the men and women of our armed forces — or something like that.

Prepare statements for the press during the board meeting.  Collect their contact information and supply them with updates throughout the process. Organize your core of activists to write letters to the local newspaper about ASVAB testing.  Don't take a swipe at your school board or your superintendent, even if you have been treated poorly. Maintain the high ground throughout. You may have to micromanage what your activists wear to the school board meeting.  Blue jeans and T-shirts don't cut it.

Hopefully, the school board will include the ASVAB on the agenda of its next meeting.  If that's the case, they may ask you to produce several people to testify on behalf of the proposed policy change. That's when you want to bring out the representatives from various civic organizations, especially the PTA. Signs of protest and loud outbursts are counter-productive.

Make sure you distribute all testimony, along with copies of relevant pages of military documents.

At this point we encourage you to set up an automated system* that allows constituents in your school system to click on a link that brings them to a page that explains the issue and guides them through a simple process that generates letters urging the selection of Option 8 to the superintendent and members of the school board. You should use list servs, blogs, websites, Facebook, etc. to drive traffic to the website that generates letters.  You'll want to keep track of the number of letters you've received and who wrote them.

On the day of the school board meeting, when the ASVAB is officially discussed, put out a brief press release with a few statements describing your position.  Distribute it to local and statewide media outlets, including radio and TV stations.  Point out that you're not opposed to the administration of the test; instead it's the automatic release of student information without parental consent that is problematic.  Explain that students will still be able to take the ASVAB in school but that they (or their parents) will have to initiate contact with recruiters afterward if they intend to use the results of the test for enlistment purposes.

On the evening of the school board meeting, military representatives will probably be on hand to defend the ASVAB.  If it's possible, let them go first and try to rebut their statements, especially if any are patently false.   The military officers probably won't mention the practice of shipping test results to recruiters without parental consent.  It's your job to point out their omission.  It's helpful to be in possession of copies of the military documents, especially USMEPCOM 601-4 to refute the statements of the military officer.

Be on guard if a decision is made to require parents to sign a form for students to take the test, rather than the selection of Option 8.  Simply requiring parental permission for students taking the ASVAB — instead of applying Option 8 to all students — creates added costs and responsibilities that would be imposed on schools and school staff if they had to gather permissions and monitor which students' data must be withheld. School staff might then fail to implement the requirement. ASVAB Option 8, on the other hand, entails no financial cost, administrative time, or legal risk for schools; it allows schools to continue using the test if they wish; and it addresses the issues of student privacy and parent custodial rights.

When talking to the press, instruct your colleagues to stick to your chief concern about the administration of the test — the release of confidential student information to recruiters without parental consent.  Don't be drawn into statements about the military, military recruiters, or the wars in Iraq or Afghanistan.  This is a campaign about student privacy.

Throughout the process, we encourage you to consult with NNOMY volunteers in your state and across the country who have been successful in convincing school officials to select Option 8.

 

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Revised 01/22/2017

US SOCIAL FORUM 2010

NNOMY Presents at the USSF in Detroit Workshops in Counter-recruitment.

Join NNOMY at the US Social Forum!

The 2010 US Social Forum will take place June 22-26 in downtown Detroit. The USSF will convene social movements from across the United States and globally.

This year's USSF is THE place to be - there will be nearly 1,500 organizations represented, over 1,000 workshops, nearly 50 People's Movement Assemblies (4 hour sessions designed to move forward common ground on an issue), and thousands of people converging in Detroit by car, plane, train, bus, and bicycle!

USSF 2010What is the US Social Forum?


The US Social Forum (USSF) is a movement building process. It is not a conference but it is a space to come up with the peoples’ solutions to the economic and ecological crisis. The USSF is the next most important step in our? struggle to build a powerful multi-racial, multi-sectoral, inter-generational, diverse, inclusive, internationalist movement that transforms this country and changes history.

We must declare what we want our world to look like and we must start planning the path to get there. The USSF provides spaces to learn from each other’s experiences and struggles, share our analysis of the problems our communities face, build relationships, and align with our international brothers and sisters to strategize how to reclaim our world.

 

Sponsors and Endorsers

NNOMY Sponsoring Organizations:

American Friends Service Committee (AFSC) - http://www.afsc.org

AFSC New Hampshire Office - http://afsc.org/office/concord-nh

AFSC Pacific Northwest Regional Office - http://afsc.org/office/seattle-wa

Another Side - http://www.whatifyouknew-nm.com

Arizona Counter-Recruitment Coalition - http://www.arizonacrc.org

Committee for High School Options and Information on Careers, Education and Self-Improvement (CHOICES) -  This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

Citizen Soldier - http://www.citizen-soldier.org

Coalition For Alternatives to Militarism in Our Schools (CAMS) - http://www.militaryfreeschools.org

Eugene Peaceworks Committee for Countering Military Recruitment
(CCMR) - http://www.efn.org/~eugpeace/

Comite Contra la Militarizacion de la Juventud - This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. This e-mail address is being protected from spam bots, you need JavaScript enabled to view it

Committee Opposed to Militarism and the Draft (COMD) - http://www.comdsd.org/

Fellowship of Reconciliation (FOR) - http://www.forusa.org

Finding Alternatives to Military Enlistment (FAME) - http://www.famedetroit.org

Idaho Peace Coalition - http://www.npogroups.org/lists/info/idahopeacecoalition

Ithaca Catholic Worker - http://www.catholicworker.org

Local 121 Madison Area Peace Coalition - http://www.madpeace.org

National Conference of Black Lawyers - http://www.ncbl.org

Nuclear Age Peace Foundation - http://www.wagingpeace.org

Oklahoma Committee for Conscientious Objectors - http://www.okobjector.org

On Earth Peace - http://www.onearthpeace.org/ (New)

Peace & Justice Center of Sonoma County - http://www.peaceandjusticesonomaco.org

Peace Action - http://www.peace-action.org

Project on Youth and Nonmilitary Opportunities (YANO) - http://www.projectyano.org

Resource Center for Nonviolence - http://www.rcnv.org

San Francisco Bay Raging Grannies Action League - http:peninsularaginggrannies.org/

Strength Through Peace - http://www.cjpe.org/

Sustainable Options for Youth - http://www.peaceoptions.blogspot.com

Teen Peace - www.teenpeace.org

Texans for Peace - www.texansforpeace.org

United Teachers of Los Angeles Human Rights Committee - www.utla.net

Veterans for Peace - www.veteransforpeace.org

Veterans for Peace Santa Fe Chapter - www.vfp-santafe.org

War Resister's League (WRL) - www.warresisters.org

Washington Truth in Recruiting (WATiR) - www.watir.org

Women Against Military Madness (WAMM) - www.worldwidewamm.org

Ya Ya Network - yayanetwork.org

Endorsing Organizations:

Alternatives to the Military - http://www.nebraskagreens.org/atm

Bring the Guard Home! It's the Law - www.bringtheguardhome.org

NJ Youth United Against War and Imperialism - http://njyouthunited.org/

Pax Christi USA - www.paxchristiusa.org

Resisters.info - www.resisters.info

Tulsa Peace Fellowship - www.tulsapeacefellowship.ning.com

Youth Rights Alternatives to Military - www.peacemonterey.org

We Are Not Your Soldiers - www.wearenotyoursoldiers.org (New)


Member Caucuses:

Latino Caucus

LBGTIQ

People of Color

Women and the Military

Youth Caucus

Youth of Color

2003 Conference

Counter-recruitment Conference Ushers in Renewed Resistance to Militarism

Almost 200 activists came together during June 27-29 for the first national counter recruitment conference, titled “Stopping War Where It Begins: Organizing Against Militarism in Our Schools.” With the tremendous amount of information that was exchanged, the high concentration of organizing experience that was present and the powerful energy that was generated, it may prove to be a significant watershed event for not only those organizations that focus on youth and militarism issues, but for the overall peace and social justice movement, as well.

Held at the Friends Center in downtown Philadelphia, the conference was sponsored by 11 local, regional and national organizations: the American Friends Service Committee (AFSC) National Youth and Militarism Program, AFSC Washington D.C., AFSC San Francisco, Central Committee for Conscientious Objectors (CCCO), Center on Conscience and War, the D.C. group CHOICES, the San Diego groups Committee Opposed to Militarism and the Draft (COMD) and Project on Youth and Non-Military Opportunities (Project YANO), ROOTS/War Resisters League, the college-based STARC Alliance, and the Teen Peace Project of Port Townsend, Washington. A longer list of local and national organizations endorsed the conference; AFSC and CCCO were the local Philadelphia hosts.

Adding to the value of the conference was the fact that almost half of the participants were students or youth activists, and a total of 50 organizations were represented. A significant number of the participants, presenters and organizers of the conference were from Latino, Asian and African American communities where the military focuses a disproportionate amount of its recruiting energy. Geographical representation came from 27 states, plus Puerto Rico and D.C. -- some activists came from as far away as Hawaii!

As the conference’s mission statement explains, “Every war begins with the brainwashing of a nation’s citizens and the recruitment of troops. The Pentagon realizes that it is never too early to start the process of instilling militaristic values in the minds of young people -- values that these young people will carry with them into adulthood.” This theme was implicit in the title of the conference and underlies its challenge to the wider peace movement to develop a deeper understanding of what must be done to work with true effectiveness against war. Countering military recruiting and the militarization of young people is part of a strategy for addressing aspects of war that relate to economics, race, class and foreign policy, while, at the same time, actually interfering in a material way with the government’s ability to wage its wars.

The workshops and plenary presentations were all designed to inform people about these important issue linkages and provide concrete skills and resources for organizing in a variety of communities and contexts. The topics included the poverty draft, women in the military, the rights of students and others to counter recruiting inside schools, the roles of white anti-racist allies in the struggle against militarism, the No Child Left Behind Act and JROTC. Before the end of the conference, activists from dozens of cities and towns were excitedly talking about what they were going to do when they returned home.

There also were some very touching moments during the conference. One of the most heart-rending came during a plenary presentation on the military’s recruitment apparatus, when Fernando Suarez del Solar gave an account of how his immigrant son, Jesús, was lured into the Marine Corps. Jesús was sent to Iraq, where he was killed by an unexploded U.S. cluster bomb in March. The military refused to cover all of the burial costs because the family insisted that Jesús be given a civilian burial instead of a military one. Now, Señor Suarez reaches out to other immigrant families and tells them why it is better for their sons and daughters stay away from recruiters and stay in school instead.

Several proposals were made for follow-up activities after the conference, including some relating to literature and youth networking. The structure for an overall national network of counter-recruitment organizations is now being discussed and should soon be developed. There will also be a national week to demilitarize our schools in early October, preceded by several weeks of leafleting and other activities to encourage high school students to tell their schools that they may not release their names, addresses and phone numbers to military recruiters. The week of action in October will include different types of protests, ranging from legal leafleting and demonstrations to possible blockades at recruiting stations.

The potential is great for this work to spread and have a powerful, long-term effect. Organizations like Project YANO, AFSC and CCCO that have been doing it consistently for years are now being joined on the issue by groups like the Student Environmental Action Network, National Conference of Black Lawyers and Nuclear Age Peace Foundation. And United for Peace and Justice, the large national coalition that sprang up when the invasion of Iraq was being threatened, decided at its recent planning conference to encourage its many member groups to take up the campaign to remove recruiters from schools.

If this momentum continues to grow, if we begin to take back civilian control over our schools and make education instead of indoctrination their primary purpose again, it will enable us to evolve into the broader, more proactive movement that we must become in order to work effectively for peace and social justice in the U.S.

This article is from the July-August 2003 issue of Draft NOtices,newsletter of the Committee Opposed to Militarism and the Draft, www.comdsd.org.

Subcategories

The NNOMY Opinion section is a new feature of our articles section. Writing on youth demilitarization issues is quite rare but we have discovered the beginning articles and notes being offered on this subject so we have decided to present them under an opinion category.  The articles presented do not necessarily reflect the views of the NNOMY Steering Committee.

General David Petraeus' rocky first days as a lecturer at the City University of New York Though the United States of America shares with other nations in a history of modern state militarism, the past 65 years following its consolidation as a world military power after World War II, has seen a shift away from previous democratic characterizations of the state.  The last thirty years, with the rise of the neo-conservative Reagan and Bush administrations (2), began the abandonment of moral justifications for democracy building replaced by  bellicose proclamations of the need and right to move towards a national project of global security by preemptive military force .

In the process of global military expansion, the US population has been subjected to an internal re-education to accept the role of the U.S. as consolidating its hegemonic rule internationally in the interest of liberal ideals of wealth creation and protectionism.

The average citizen has slowly come to terms with a stealthly increasing campaign of militarization domestically in media offerings; from television, movies and scripted news networks to reinforce the inevitability of a re-configured society as security state. The effect has begun a transformation of how, as citizens, we undertand our roles and viability as workers and families in relation to this security state. This new order has brought with it a shrinking public common and an increasing privatization of publicly held infrustructure; libraries, health clinics, schools and the expectation of diminished social benefits for the poor and middle-class. The national borders are being militarized as are our domestic police forces in the name of Homeland Security but largely in the interest of business. The rate and expansion of research and development for security industries and the government agencies that fund them, now represent the major growth sector of the U.S.economy. Additionally, as the U.S. economy continually shifts from productive capital to financial capital as the engine of growth for wealth creation and development, the corporate culture has seen its fortunes rise politically and its power over the public sector grow relatively unchallenged by a confused citizenry who are watching their social security and jobs diminishing.

How increasing cultural militarization effects our common future will likely manifest in increased public dissatisfaction with political leadership and economic strictures. Social movements within the peace community, like NNOMY, will need to expand their role of addressing the dangers of  militarists predating youth for military recruitment in school to giving more visibility to the additional dangers of the role of an influential militarized media, violent entertainment and play offerings effecting our youth in formation and a general increase and influence of the military complex in all aspects of our lives. We are confronted with a demand for a greater awareness of the inter-relationships of militarism in the entire landscape of domestic U.S. society.  Where once we could ignore the impacts of U.S. military adventurisms abroad, we are now faced with the transformation of our domestic comfort zone with the impacts of militarism in our day to day lives.

How this warning can be imparted in a meaningful way by a movement seeking to continue with the stated goals of counter-recruitment and public policy activism, and not loose itself in the process, will be the test for those activists, past and future, who take up the call to protect our youth from the cultural violence of militarism.

The "militarization of US culture" category will be an archive of editorials and articles about the increasing dangers we face as a people from those who are invested in the business of war. This page will serve as a resource for the NNOMY community of activists and the movement they represent moving into the future. The arguments presented in this archive will offer important realizations for those who are receptive to NNOMY's message of protecting our youth, and thus our entire society, of the abuses militarism plays upon our hopes for a sustainable and truly democratic society.

NNOMY

 

The Resources section covers the following topics:

News reports from the groups associated to the NNOMY Network including Social Media.

Reports from counter-recruitment groups and activists from the field. Includes information about action reports at recruiting centers and career fairs, school tabling, and actions in relation to school boards and state legislatures.

David SwansonDavid Swanson is the author of the new book, Daybreak: Undoing the Imperial Presidency and Forming a More Perfect Union, by Seven Stories Press and of the introduction to The 35 Articles of Impeachment and the Case for Prosecuting George W. Bush by Dennis Kucinich. In addition to cofounding AfterDowningStreet.org, he is the Washington director of Democrats.com and sits on the boards of a number of progressive organizations in Washington, DC.


Charlottesville Right Now: 11-10-11 David Swanson
David Swanson joins Coy to discuss Occupy Charlottesville, protesting Dick Cheney's visit to the University of Virginia, and his new book. -  Listen

Jorge MariscalJorge Mariscal is the grandson of Mexican immigrants and the son of a U.S. Marine who fought in World War II. He served in the U.S. Army in Vietnam and currently teaches at the University of California, San Diego.

Matt GuynnMatt Guynn plays the dual role of program director and coordinator for congregational organizing for On Earth Peace, building peace and nonviolence leadership within the 1000+ congregations of the Church of the Brethren across the United States and Puerto Rico. He previously served a co-coordinator of training for Christian Peacemaker Teams, serving as an unarmed accompanier with political refugees in Chiapas, Mexico, and offering or supporting trainings in the US and Mexico.

Rick JahnkowRick Jahnkow works for two San Diego-based anti-militarist organizations, the Project on Youth and Non-Military Opportunities and the Committee Opposed to Militarism and the Draft. He can be reached at: This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

Pat ElderPat Elder was a co-founder of the DC Antiwar Network (DAWN) and a member of the Steering Committee of the National Network Opposing the Militarization of Youth, (NNOMY).  Pat is currently involved in a national campaign with the Women's International League for Peace & Freedom project, Military Poisons,  investigating on U.S. military base contamination domestically and internationally.  Pat’s work has prominently appeared in NSA documents tracking domestic peace groups.

 

All Documents:

Pat Elder - National Network Opposing the Militarization of Youth

NNOMY periodically participates in or organizes events(e.i. conferences, rallies) with other organizations.

The Counter-recruitment Essentials section of the NNOMY web site covers the issues and actions spanning this type of activism. Bridging the difficult chasms between religious, veteran, educator, student, and community based activism is no small task. In this section you will find information on how to engage in CR activism in your school and community with the support of the knowledge of others who have been working to inform youth considering enlisting in the military. You will also find resources for those already in the military that are looking for some guidance on how to actively resist injustices  as a soldier or how to choose a path as a conscientious objector.

John Judge was a co-founder of the Committee for High School Options and Information on Careers, Education and Self-Improvement (CHOICES) in Washington DC, an organization engaged since 1985 in countering military recruitment in DC area high schools and educating young people about their options with regard to the military. Beginning with the war in Viet Nam, Judge was a life-long anti-war activist and tireless supporter of active-duty soldiers and veterans.

 

"It is our view that military enlistment puts youth, especially African American youth, at special risk, not only for combat duty, injury and fatality, but for military discipline and less than honorable discharge, which can ruin their chances for employment once they get out. There are other options available to them."


In the 1970's the Selective Service System and the paper draft became unworkable, requiring four induction orders to get one report. Boards  were under siege by anti-war and anti-draft forces, resistance of many kinds was rampant. The lottery system failed to dampen the dissent, since people who knew they were going to be drafted ahead of time became all the more active. Local draft board members quit in such numbers that even I was approached, as a knowledgeable draft counselor to join the board. I refused on the grounds that I could never vote anyone 1-A or eligible to go since I opposed conscription and the war.

At this point the Pentagon decided to replace the paper draft with a poverty draft, based on economic incentive and coercion. It has been working since then to draw in between 200-400,000 enlisted members annually. Soon after, they began to recruit larger numbers of women to "do the jobs men don't want to". Currently recruitment quotas are falling short, especially in Black communities, and reluctant parents are seen as part of the problem. The hidden problem is retention, since the military would have quadrupled by this time at that rate of enlistment, but the percentage who never finish their first time of enlistment drop out at a staggering rate.

I began bringing veterans of the Vietnam War into high schools in Dayton, Ohio in the late 1960s, and have continued since then to expose young people to the realities of military life, the recruiters' false claims and the risks in combat or out. I did it first through Vietnam Veterans Against the War/Winter Soldier Organization, then Dayton Draft & Military Counseling, and since 1985 in DC through C.H.O.I.C.E.S.

The key is to address the broader issues of militarization of the schools and privacy rights for students in community forums and at meetings of the school board and city council. Good counter-recruitment also provides alternatives in the civilian sector to help the poor and people of color, who are the first targets of the poverty draft, to find ways to break into the job market, go to a trade school, join an apprenticeship program, get job skills and placement help, and find money for college without enlisting in the military.

John Judge -- counselor, C.H.O.I.C.E.S.
 
Articles
References:
Videos
Tributes

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